In 1991 while running for City Commisioner in Key West Florida I met Paul
McGuirk. Because he had read about me in the the newspapers, and was aware
of my politics, he felt he could trust me with information which had, in the
past, gotten him in a great deal of trouble with the Federal Government. I
told him that from the articles I'd collected from magazines and newspapers,
I had proven to myself that the US Federal Government was actively dealing
narcotics. He informed me that he too knew that the Feds were dealing because
he had been personally involved. He had collected evidence to PROVE
what he already knew. We went to the Key West Library where I made Zerox
copies of documents he took from the saddle bags on his BMW motorcycle. The
following is an excerpt from the Denver Colorado newspaper,
"METROLAND" printed in 1990. At that time Paul was still hiding
from federal authorities. He had blown the whistle on a major U.S.
drug operation that involved the CIA and DEA. His revalations at
that time are still relevant.
Oct 25-31 1990
Paul McGuirk says
outrageous things. But they have a habit of turning out to
Like the time he went to the Drug Inforcement
Agency and said he knew a guy who had set up a herion lab and was
using a network of Colorado bikers to sell the drug all over the
That was in 1981. But even though McGuirk
told the feds who the herion chemist was and about the machine shop
that was a front for the heroin ring, it wasn't until two years later
that the lab was shut down. And it wasn't until a year after
that--when the ringleader, chemist Ronald "Sandy" Jones,
was busted--that McGuirk had the satisfaction of hearing people admit
that he had been right all along.
But far from ending the
story, the arrest and subsequent jailing of Jones was just another
chapter--albeit an important one--in the saga of Paul McGuirk.
For years, McGuirk has been asking questions about the
relationship between Jones and his lab, and the DEA and CIA.
Sandy Jones showed up in Boulder, Colo., in 1970 and went
to work at the Speedmaster motorcycle shop (known locally as
"Drugmaster") where McGuirk also was employed. The two
bikers soon became close friends. Jones had just come from
South America, where he had worked as a mechanic for a group of
diamond smugglers operating in British Guiana.
later, after Jones had set himself up as a major Boulder-based
narcotics distributor, McGuirk--an addict who relied on Jones for his
herion supply--began to wonder how Jones' notorious operation was
avoiding police detection. It occurred to McGuirk that the CIA
had been active in British Guiana around the time that the former
British colony gained its independence and became Guyana.
Later, after the Speedmaster shop closed, McGuirk and Jones went to
work for another Boulder firm, Triton Tool and Manufactruing Co.
McGuirk again wondered how a company that was doing top-secret,
classified work for the federal government's Rocky Flats nuclear
weopons-manufacturing facility could also be functioning as the
center of Jones' national heroin-manufacturing and distribution
Then, when the Iran-Contra scandal broke in 1986,
McGuirk saw the pattern again, and found that some of the same people
involved with Oliver North, Richard Secord, Albert Hakim and other
members of the guns-for-hostages conspiracy had crossed paths with
Jones. "Only a minority of Americans seem to know that
narcotics were at the center of the Contragate Scandal," McGuirk
Ulimately, McGuirk became convinced that Jones,
the biker/chemist/drug dealer, was in fact a DEA asset, and that,
incredibly, the herion was the product of a Drug Enforcement
Administration operation--in conjunction with covert CIA activity.
"It was spies dealing dope on a vast scale to pay for war in
Central America and Afghanistan," he says.
McGuirk says is true, then federal officials who claim to be waging
the so-called War on Drugs use proceeds from illegal drug sales to
finance dirty wars in the Third World (and who knows what else).
It's a network of spooks and right-wingers that first drew
attention during the Vietnam War, when the CIA's private airline Air
America became implicated in drug-running from the
Thailand-Burma-China border highlands. More recently the
network was a source of illegal funding for Nicaraguan contras.
Today it operates on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, where
the United States-backed Afghani Mujahedin, who have been trying to
topple the Soviet-backed regime in Kabul for a decade, are suspected
of becoming the new center of the world's opium trade.
"High Times" article about
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